A Study of Cultural Elements in the Shelter Ministry among Nepali Migrant Workers in Korea
Introduction
Although Korea has traditionally been regarded as a relatively homogeneous society with a shared language and ethnic identity, the arrival of thousands of migrant workers has introduced a growing diversity of cultures, languages, and religions. The increasing presence of people from different cultural and religious backgrounds has presented new challenges to Korean society. At the same time, Korean churches have recognized this development as an opportunity for cross-cultural ministry, an opportunity that would have seemed unlikely only a few decades ago.
Many Korean churches have begun reaching out to migrant workers with the gospel of Jesus Christ. In addition to evangelism, these churches have sought to identify migrants’ practical needs and provide appropriate assistance, recognizing that social services can create opportunities to introduce the gospel. One of the major activities undertaken by Korean churches for migrant workers is the provision of shelters for those experiencing difficulties.¹
Nepalis are among the groups benefiting from shelters provided by Korean churches. At the time of this study, it was estimated that approximately five to eight thousand Nepalis were living in Korea. Some had remained in the country after their visas expired and were therefore living without valid immigration status. These workers often faced unemployment, social difficulties, and other hardships associated with their circumstances. Many sought refuge in shelters operated primarily by churches, where they received food, accommodation, and opportunities to hear the gospel. For some, the shelter provided their first encounter with the Christian message. While some came to faith in Jesus Christ and received baptism, others did not respond positively to the gospel.
At first glance, shelter ministry appears to be an effective, needs-based approach because it combines social assistance with Christian ministry among Nepali migrant workers. However, a deeper understanding of Nepali culture may help churches make this ministry more effective and meaningful. The primary purpose of this paper is to identify cultural elements within the Nepali community that may contribute to a better understanding of Nepali migrant workers and, consequently, help churches develop more effective ways of communicating the gospel.
To accomplish this purpose, the researcher examines the nature of shelter ministry and the cultural characteristics of the Nepalis involved. The research draws on visits to a shelter, observations of Nepalis living there, and conversations with Nepali residents, former residents, and Korean ministers involved in the ministry. The study then evaluates the ministry from biblical and missiological perspectives. The following section establishes the theoretical foundation for a ministry that integrates social assistance with cross-cultural evangelism.
The Theoretical Foundation for Shelter Ministry
Through shelter ministry, a church has the opportunity to serve Nepali migrant workers in two interconnected ways. First, it can respond to their physical and social needs. Second, it can communicate the gospel across cultural and linguistic boundaries. This section presents the theoretical foundations for both aspects of ministry, which will subsequently be used to examine and evaluate shelter ministry among Nepali migrant workers in Korea.
The Mission of Meeting Social Needs
The church is called to evangelize the world, although Christians may differ in their understanding of the relationship between evangelism and social action and in the methods through which they pursue this mission. It is therefore important to understand the role of social action in the church's evangelistic mission.
An understanding of the church's identity and its place in the world helps clarify this relationship. The church is the body of Christ, engaging with the world through the proclamation of the Word, the administration of the sacraments, and the witness and service of Christians. Its responsibility includes proclaiming the gospel both in its content and through its practical implications.²
Matthew 25:31–46 further illustrates the importance of responding to the needs of others. In this passage, Jesus identifies himself with those who are hungry, thirsty, strangers, inadequately clothed, sick, or imprisoned. His own ministry likewise demonstrates the connection between proclaiming the kingdom of God and responding to human need.³
Social action, therefore, should not be separated from the church's proclamation of the gospel. Nor should it be understood merely as a means of attracting people to religious activities. Rather, Christian service expresses God's love in practical ways while bearing witness to the gospel. The Wheaton '83 Statement describes the church's responsibility in the following terms:
“Christ's followers, therefore, are called in one way or another, not to conform to the values of the society but to transform them (Rom. 12:1–2; Eph. 5:8–14). This calling flows from our confession that God loves the world and that the earth belongs to Him.”⁴
Although God's work in the world is not confined to the church, the church has a particular responsibility to participate in God's mission. Furthermore, if the kingdom of God is understood as both a present reality and an eschatological hope, the church's response to human need should not be limited to immediate, earthly concerns. Christian service should also point toward the transformation of individuals and society in light of God's coming kingdom and ultimate purposes.⁵
To fulfill this mission effectively, however, churches need people who possess the appropriate personal qualities, training, and Christian maturity to serve across cultural boundaries. The following section introduces some fundamental principles of cross-cultural ministry.
Cross-Cultural Ministry of the Church
Cross-cultural ministry involves encounters between people who may hold different worldviews, beliefs, values, and social expectations. The minister approaches the community with a particular cultural background and understanding of the world, while the people being served possess their own cultural assumptions and patterns of belief. This situation requires ministers to understand the people they serve and prepare themselves to communicate across cultural differences.
From an anthropological perspective, missionaries and ministers must learn how to establish credibility within another society.⁶ Paul G. Hiebert, Cynthia Strong, and David Strong offer four important principles for developing such credibility:
First, ministers must understand both the people they serve and themselves. Second, they must build credibility according to the perceptions and expectations of the people they serve rather than their own assumptions. Third, they should prioritize the development of people over the implementation of programs. Finally, Western ministers must critically examine their own modern worldview and learn from non-Western churches about the central importance of relationships in Scripture.⁷
These principles suggest that cross-cultural ministers should prioritize relationships rather than focusing exclusively on organizational structures and scheduled activities. Building trust and genuine relationships can help create an environment in which people encounter the Christian faith and develop a deeper relationship with God.
Cross-cultural ministry should also address the transformation of worldviews. Paul G. Hiebert argues that when conversion is disconnected from worldview transformation, it may produce a superficial form of Christianity that he describes as “Christo-paganism.”⁸ In such situations, people may adopt Christian beliefs and practices without critically examining how these relate to their existing religious assumptions and cultural worldview.
At the same time, ministers may fail to recognize that their own cultural assumptions influence their approach to ministry. They may unintentionally impose their worldview on others while assuming that their methods are universally appropriate. From a Christian theological perspective, the biblical worldview provides the framework through which Christian beliefs and practices are evaluated, while cross-cultural ministers must remain aware of the cultural assumptions they bring into their work.⁹ This awareness should encourage them to understand other worldviews more carefully and communicate the gospel in ways that promote meaningful transformation.
Where significant cultural differences exist, Hiebert proposes the development of a bicultural community that can bridge the gap between different worldviews. Such a community creates an environment in which people can communicate, learn from one another, and develop relationships across cultural boundaries. Hiebert understands this bicultural approach as reflecting the incarnation of God.¹⁰
In addition to studying culture and worldview, missionaries must also develop a sound understanding of biblical and systematic theology. Such theological grounding enables them to communicate the cognitive, affective, and moral dimensions of the gospel rather than reducing Christian faith to intellectual knowledge or outward religious practices alone.¹¹
A Descriptive Analysis of Nepalis in the Shelter
As part of this research, the researcher visited a shelter operated by an unidentified Korean church, referred to here as the “OOO Church.” The church covered approximately half of the shelter's rental expenses, while the Nepali brothers who used the facility contributed toward the remaining costs and participated in worship services.
This section describes the shelter, the activities conducted there, the responses of Nepalis currently or formerly living in the shelter, and the perspectives of Korean ministers responsible for the ministry.
Description of the Shelter
The shelter was located in an area known as OOO-dong, where several small factories operated alongside residential apartment complexes and neighborhood shops. The presence of many foreign residents walking along the streets suggested that the area was a familiar destination for migrant workers. The researcher also observed shops selling foreign food products and telephone cards that residents could use to contact their families in their home countries.
The shelter consisted primarily of a single room measuring approximately eight pyeong, with a small kitchen. The bathroom was located outside the room and was shared with other residents of the building.
Upon entering the room, the researcher noticed a distinctive aroma coming from the kitchen, where various spices were kept. The kitchen was narrow and also served as a place where shelter residents could bathe. Farther inside was a medium-sized living area. A clothes hanger stood along one side, while a television and music system occupied the other. Beneath the television were numerous Nepali music tapes, CDs, and VCDs. The floor was covered with mattresses, with several pillows arranged around the room. A small storage area at the back contained several pieces of luggage.
Activities in the Shelter
The shelter's primary purpose was to provide temporary accommodation for Nepali migrant workers experiencing difficulties. Nepalis from the surrounding area and other parts of Korea were welcome to seek assistance, particularly when they became unemployed, fell ill, or encountered other problems.
At the time of the researcher's visit, five people were staying in the shelter. One had arrived approximately a week earlier after losing his job at a company. The other four had visited the shelter repeatedly when they needed assistance, and one had been living there continuously for more than three months. Although all five currently attended church, they had identified as Hindus before coming to Korea.
Another important activity in the shelter was preparing and sharing meals. Residents primarily ate rice, dal, and curry. The church provided rice, while the residents arranged for the other food items themselves. They took turns cooking, cleaning the room, and washing the dishes. Because the food they prepared was similar to what they had eaten at home in Nepal, mealtimes appeared to provide a familiar cultural experience and help reduce their sense of separation from home.
Because the shelter did not have a permanent group of residents, it did not maintain a continuous program of activities within the facility itself. Instead, residents were scheduled to attend a Bible study at the church every Saturday evening. Nepali migrant workers living in the shelter and other Nepali Christians who could travel to the church after work gathered in a designated mission room.
During these meetings, a Nepali pastor taught from the Book of Romans. The Bible study appeared to serve both as biblical instruction for established believers and as an evangelistic opportunity for newcomers. Consequently, the meetings combined teaching, fellowship, and the introduction of Christian beliefs to those who were still exploring the faith.
Participants also sang Nepali Christian songs accompanied by the madal and guitar. Although some songs had been translated from English, most were composed by Nepali Christians using Nepali melodies and musical traditions. The participants appeared enthusiastic about learning and singing these songs.
Before the Bible study, participants used computers provided by the church to access the internet. They read Nepali news online to stay informed about developments in their home country. They also telephoned friends and met with acquaintances at the church. These observations suggested that participants had several reasons for attending the gatherings, including access to technology, social interaction, fellowship, and religious instruction.
During the Bible study itself, however, the participants appeared attentive to the teaching. Some asked the pastor questions and sought clarification about matters they found difficult to understand.
After the singing, conversations, and Bible study, several leaders were selected to prepare for the following day's worship service. They chose hymns, Psalms, and choruses and submitted their selections to the pastor, who prepared the worship bulletin.
Following the Bible study, participants went together to a restaurant for dinner. They began the meal with prayer and appeared to enjoy eating together. During dinner, they talked about their lives and shared their experiences.
The most significant regular spiritual activity for the shelter residents was the Sunday worship service. According to the researcher's observations, during the first week of each month, the Nepali congregation joined the Korean worship service. One of the Nepali brothers provided simultaneous interpretation of the sermon and principal announcements. During the remaining three weeks, the Nepalis held their own worship service in a small hall provided by the church.
The congregation included not only shelter residents but also Nepali workers employed by nearby companies. Three Korean volunteer deacons also participated. Most of the service was conducted by Nepali brothers and sisters in the Nepali language.
However, some parts of the service involved Korean participants. Deacon OOO was invited to pray for the offering, while a Korean woman, referred to as Khonsanim, announced upcoming programs and church news in Korean. A Nepali participant who spoke Korean then translated the announcements into Nepali. The worship bulletin was prepared in both Nepali and English.
The researcher observed that Korean volunteers introduced programs and events in accordance with the main Korean church's schedule, while the Nepali congregation generally followed that structure.
Other services available to shelter residents and Nepali migrant workers included medical checkups, monthly haircuts, legal advice, and assistance with employment-related difficulties. For example, the church offered help to workers who reported that their employers had failed to pay them appropriately. Nepalis also explained that they sometimes used the shelter to prepare traditional food for special occasions, including food festivals and church picnics.
When several people remained in the shelter for an extended period, they also organized Wednesday prayer meetings. Korean deacons and other nearby friends were invited to join them in prayer and worship.
Responses from Nepali Participants
When asked about the shelter and the activities provided by the church, Nepali participants expressed gratitude for the assistance they received. They regarded the shelter as evidence of the love and concern shown by Korean Christians and the church. They also expressed respect for Korean leaders and volunteers who assisted them in their religious activities and personal lives.
Nevertheless, not all Nepali residents were comfortable attending Christian worship services and Bible studies simply because they lived in a church-provided shelter. Some felt obligated to follow the shelter's schedule and regulations. They sometimes avoided worship services or Bible study meetings by giving reasons such as looking for employment, meeting friends, or feeling unwell.
Other participants were enthusiastic about attending church activities. They took the initiative to invite friends to worship services and Bible studies, contact Nepalis who did not live in the shelter, maintain relationships with them, and inform them about upcoming church events.
Some Nepali participants acknowledged that the shelter was the first place where they had heard the gospel and read the Bible. They explained that they had previously understood Christ through the framework of their Hindu religious background, sometimes regarding him as one among many gods. Through the shelter ministry, they began learning about Jesus Christ in a different way. They also learned to pray, read the Bible, and participate in Christian praise and worship.
Participants appreciated the opportunity to study the Bible and learn about Christianity in their own language and among people who shared their cultural background. Because most activities were conducted in Nepali and organized by Nepali participants themselves, they experienced fewer linguistic and cultural barriers.
Some Nepali Christians, however, expressed concern about the sincerity of the faith professed by certain people who attended worship services. In their experience, some participants' behavior outside church did not consistently reflect the Christian values they professed. They also observed that attendance tended to be higher when the Nepalis held separate worship services than when they joined the Korean congregation.
The Nepali participants appeared to prefer sermons delivered by the Nepali pastor because he communicated Christian teachings in their own language and used familiar Nepali illustrations and expressions. This preference suggests that linguistic accessibility and cultural familiarity played important roles in their participation and understanding.
Responses from Korean Ministers
The Korean ministers responsible for the shelter ministry expressed satisfaction with the opportunity to provide accommodation and assistance to Nepali migrant workers. They regarded the shelter as a practical means of welcoming Nepalis into the church, where they could also hear the gospel. From their perspective, shelter ministry offered an opportunity to provide both material assistance and the Word of God.
The Korean ministers had engaged a Nepali-speaking minister to teach the Bible and communicate the gospel. They believed that Nepalis could often reach other Nepalis more effectively because they shared the same language and cultural background.
The shelter ministry was intended to create an environment in which the gospel could be introduced and take root. Most activities were conducted in Nepali. The Korean ministers generally preferred to provide guidance and advice rather than become directly involved in every aspect of the Nepali congregation's activities. Nevertheless, the ministry was not fully independent because it remained part of the Korean church and was expected to follow the church's calendar and schedule.
The Korean leaders also expressed disappointment that some Nepalis came to the shelter when they needed assistance but did not continue attending worship services or participating in church activities afterward. Attendance was irregular, and some people attended only once or twice a month.
They further expressed concern that some Nepalis appeared to expect more assistance from the church than they were willing or able to contribute. In the leaders' view, some participants seemed to give greater priority to employment, business, and financial concerns than to their relationship with God.
These responses reveal differing expectations between the Korean ministers and the Nepali participants. While the Korean leaders hoped that the provision of shelter and other services would encourage sustained participation in church life, some Nepalis appeared to view the shelter primarily as a place of assistance during periods of hardship. Understanding this difference is essential for evaluating the effectiveness of the ministry.
Cultural Exegesis of Nepalis in the Shelter
Based on the observations and conversations conducted during the study, the researcher identified several cultural and religious patterns that may have influenced the Nepali participants' responses to the shelter ministry. These interpretations provide the basis for the critical contextualization discussed in the following sections. Because the research involved a limited number of participants in one shelter, the findings should be understood as observations about this particular setting rather than generalizations about all Nepali people.
First, the researcher observed that some Nepalis were comfortable attending church, singing hymns, and participating in prayer meetings. When they were available, they generally appeared willing to attend worship services. The researcher interpreted this openness partly in relation to the religious familiarity that some participants brought from their Hindu backgrounds, in which worship and devotion may involve multiple deities and diverse religious practices.
From this perspective, participation in Christian activities did not necessarily indicate that participants had abandoned their previous religious beliefs. Some might have accepted Jesus Christ while continuing to retain elements of their earlier religious worldview. The researcher therefore questioned whether participation in worship and the verbal profession of Christian faith necessarily indicated a deeper transformation in belief and practice.
This observation highlights the need to distinguish between participation in Christian activities, an expressed commitment to Christ, and the longer process of theological and ethical transformation. It also suggests that Christian teaching should engage carefully with participants' existing religious understandings rather than assuming that familiarity with Christian practices automatically produces a distinctly Christian worldview.
Second, although some participants appeared willing to accept Jesus Christ as Savior, their attendance at worship services was often irregular. Some attended primarily because the shelter's schedule required or encouraged their participation. The researcher compared this pattern with the religious practices of some nominal Hindus who believe in God but do not regularly visit temples or participate in formal worship.
The researcher interpreted this pattern as suggesting that some participants understood religion primarily in spiritual terms, with less perceived connection to their daily material concerns. From this perspective, employment and other practical responsibilities could take precedence over regular participation in religious activities. However, economic insecurity, demanding working conditions, and the immediate need to secure employment may also help explain irregular attendance. These practical circumstances should therefore be considered alongside cultural and religious interpretations.
Third, the researcher observed that Nepali participants appeared to prefer worship services conducted in Nepali rather than Korean. They seemed to value fellowship within their own community and, in some cases, avoided combined services with the Korean congregation.
The researcher interpreted this preference through the distinction between insiders and outsiders. Nepali participants could communicate in their own language, sing familiar songs, and use musical instruments associated with their cultural traditions. Even though the Korean worship service appeared more elaborate in certain respects, with a larger choir, professional musicians, and a more formal organization, the Nepali participants seemed more comfortable with their own services.
This observation suggests that the effectiveness of worship cannot be measured solely by technical quality, musical sophistication, or organizational structure. Language, cultural familiarity, participation, and a sense of belonging may be equally important. Separate Nepali worship services could therefore provide a valuable environment for spiritual growth and community formation, even as opportunities for meaningful interaction with Korean Christians remain necessary.
Finally, the researcher perceived a sense of social distance and possible inferiority among some Nepali shelter residents in relation to Korean society. Living away from their homeland as migrant workers, some experienced difficult employment conditions and social vulnerability. Some had also lost their legal immigration status, which could intensify their insecurity and dependence on assistance.
These circumstances may have contributed to a sense of separation from Korean society. Participants often prepared their own food, sang their own songs, and maintained close relationships with other Nepalis. Although they attended a Korean church, some may have regarded it primarily as an institution operated by Koreans rather than as their own spiritual community.
The researcher suggested that this perceived distance could help explain why some participants did not develop a strong commitment to the church or its worship services. The researcher also observed that the Nepali fellowship did not independently administer the Lord's Supper or baptism but instead participated in these practices within the Korean church.
This arrangement raises questions about the relationship between institutional authority, cultural belonging, and participation in church life. If Nepali Christians perceived the church as belonging primarily to Koreans, they might have found it difficult to develop a full sense of ownership and responsibility within the congregation. Their participation in the church's social services and worship activities did not necessarily mean that they felt equally involved in its decision-making or leadership.
Taken together, these observations suggest that effective shelter ministry requires more than the provision of material assistance and religious programs. It requires attention to the participants' cultural backgrounds, economic circumstances, linguistic needs, social relationships, and opportunities to participate meaningfully in the life of the church.
Discussion and Evaluation of the Ministry among Nepalis in the Shelter
As discussed above, shelter ministry has two closely related dimensions: responding to people's practical needs and bearing witness to the gospel. The observations indicate that the Korean church provided meaningful assistance to Nepali migrant workers through accommodation, food, medical services, and other forms of support. These services were offered as expressions of Christian concern and created opportunities for Nepalis to encounter the Christian faith.
The Nepalis were not merely passive recipients of this assistance. They contributed toward the shelter's expenses, purchased additional food, and participated in the activities organized through the church. Their contributions demonstrate that the shelter functioned, at least in part, as a shared space in which residents also assumed practical responsibilities.
Nevertheless, an important question remains: How effectively did the ministry integrate social assistance with the church's witness to the kingdom of God?
From a cross-cultural missiological perspective, the Korean ministers appeared to place greater emphasis on organizing programs for Nepalis than on developing sustained relationships with them. According to the researcher's observations, Korean leaders were not regularly present in the shelter or at the Saturday Bible study. Their interaction with the Nepali participants occurred primarily during Sunday worship services. This limited contact may have reduced opportunities for deeper communication, mutual understanding, and fellowship.
The Korean ministers also appeared to make limited efforts to learn the Nepali language or gain a deeper understanding of Nepali culture. Consequently, the responsibility for cross-cultural communication seemed to rest largely on the Nepali participants, who were expected to adapt to the Korean church's organizational structure and expectations.
Employing a Nepali-speaking pastor was an important strength of the ministry. It enabled Nepalis to hear the gospel in their own language and through familiar cultural expressions. However, relying primarily on a Nepali minister to meet their spiritual needs may also have unintentionally reinforced the separation between Korean leaders and Nepali participants.
From the Nepalis' perspective, Korean leaders could consequently appear mainly as providers of material assistance, while the Nepali pastor served as the principal communicator of the gospel. This division of responsibilities risked creating a separation between social service and spiritual ministry rather than integrating the two into a shared expression of Christian witness.
The monthly requirement for Nepalis to join the Korean congregation's worship service offered an opportunity to experience Korean Christian worship. However, the service had primarily been designed around the needs, expectations, and cultural practices of the Korean congregation. Providing a Nepali translation of the sermon alone could not necessarily address the deeper differences between Korean and Nepali worldviews.
Meaningful cross-cultural ministry requires more than linguistic translation. It requires an understanding of how people interpret religious teachings, understand their relationships with God, and connect faith with their everyday experiences. Without this deeper engagement, participation in Christian worship may not lead to significant transformation in belief and practice.
Viewed through Hiebert's framework, the shelter ministry therefore faced the challenge of moving beyond outward participation toward a more integrated process of worldview transformation. The relationship between the Korean and Nepali communities appeared insufficiently developed to provide a strong bicultural bridge between them. Although both groups participated in the same church community, they may not have fully understood each other's expectations, assumptions, and experiences.
The ministry consequently needed to move beyond the assumption that shared worship or translated teaching automatically produced mutual understanding. It required a more intentional process of relationship-building, cultural learning, shared participation, and theological reflection.
The following section offers recommendations for developing a more contextually appropriate approach to shelter ministry.
Critical Contextualization
Based on the descriptive analysis and cultural interpretation presented above, several theological themes require careful and contextually appropriate teaching among Nepali participants. These include the Christian understanding of God, the meaning and purpose of worship, the status and responsibilities of believers before God, and God's sovereignty over every aspect of human life.
First, the biblical understanding of the one God and the doctrine of the Trinity should be taught carefully and contextually. Christian teaching should not merely reject polytheism or other religious understandings. Instead, it should explain the Christian understanding of God through a process of dialogue that takes Nepali participants' existing beliefs seriously.
An incarnational approach would seek to build a bridge between the religious concepts participants already understand and the biblical teaching about God. Rather than provoking an immediate defensive response, this approach would encourage participants to examine their own beliefs while learning about the Christian understanding of divine unity, the Trinity, and the biblical narrative. The goal should be thoughtful engagement and genuine understanding rather than the superficial adoption of Christian terminology.
Second, the meaning and practice of Christian worship should be examined in relation to both biblical teaching and cultural expectations. In the Korean church observed in this study, the senior pastor administered the Lord's Supper and baptism. However, it is important to ask whether Nepali Christians understood the authority and responsibilities of the Korean pastor in the same way as Korean church members.
The biblical basis for restricting these practices exclusively to the senior pastor should also be examined. If such an arrangement reflects a particular denominational or institutional tradition rather than a universal biblical requirement, it should not automatically be imposed on the Nepali congregation without theological discussion.
The church should therefore distinguish between biblical principles and culturally or institutionally specific practices. Doing so would allow Nepali Christians to develop a more meaningful understanding of worship and participation in the church while respecting the theological commitments of the congregation.
Finally, the sovereignty of God over all aspects of human life should be taught clearly. Nepali participants should be encouraged not only to profess belief in God but also to understand how Christian faith relates to employment, financial responsibilities, personal decisions, and the uncertainties of life.
Such teaching should not suggest that faith guarantees material success or that unemployment and hardship necessarily indicate insufficient faith. Rather, it should help believers understand that their work and practical responsibilities can be integrated with their relationship with God. Prayer, trust, responsible action, and Christian fellowship can all become expressions of faith in everyday life.
The relationship between God and believers should also be presented in relational terms. The Christian understanding of God is not merely an abstract relationship between a deity and human beings; it includes the intimate relationship of a loving Father with his children. This relational understanding can help connect biblical teaching with the daily experiences and concerns of Nepali migrant workers.
Suggestions for Shelter Ministry
The first recommendation is to develop stronger coordination between social services and Christian witness. At present, these two dimensions of the ministry appear to operate in parallel, without always being sufficiently integrated. The church should help Nepali participants understand its practical assistance as an expression of the Christian love taught through Bible study and worship. At the same time, this connection should be demonstrated through genuine service rather than through any expectation that assistance must be repaid with religious participation.
The second recommendation is for Korean leaders to invest more time in building meaningful relationships with Nepali participants. At present, their interaction appears to occur mainly through organized programs, particularly Sunday worship services. By spending time with Nepali residents, learning about their experiences, and participating in their everyday lives, Korean leaders could develop a deeper understanding of their needs and perspectives. Such relationships would also make the church's social services more personal and meaningful.
The third recommendation is to develop a bicultural community within the shelter ministry. Such a community would bring Korean and Nepali Christians together in relationships characterized by mutual understanding, shared responsibility, and participation. This approach could reflect the incarnational model of ministry by demonstrating the willingness of Christians to share life across cultural boundaries.
Rather than expecting Nepalis to adapt entirely to Korean church practices, both groups should have opportunities to learn from one another. Korean leaders could learn about Nepali culture and religious backgrounds, while Nepali Christians could participate more fully in the church's leadership, planning, and decision-making. A shared approach would help reduce the distance between the providers of social services and those receiving them.
If these recommendations were implemented, Korean churches could develop a more integrated and culturally responsive approach to shelter ministry among Nepali migrant workers. Such a ministry would address immediate practical needs while creating opportunities for deeper relationships, meaningful Christian witness, and the formation of a more inclusive Christian community.
Conclusion
Shelter ministry among Nepali migrant workers in Korea offers an important example of the opportunities and challenges involved in cross-cultural Christian mission. By providing accommodation, food, medical assistance, and other services, Korean churches have responded to practical needs while creating opportunities for Nepalis to encounter the gospel.
However, the effectiveness of this ministry depends on more than the availability of social services or the organization of religious programs. It also depends on the church's ability to understand the cultural backgrounds, religious assumptions, economic circumstances, and social relationships of the people it serves.
The observations in this study suggest that language, cultural familiarity, and a sense of belonging significantly influenced Nepali participants' engagement with the church. The use of a Nepali-speaking pastor and the provision of worship services in Nepali were important strengths. Nevertheless, limited interaction between Korean leaders and Nepali participants, together with the expectation that Nepalis would follow the Korean church's organizational structure, may have restricted opportunities for deeper mutual understanding.
A more effective approach would integrate social assistance with relational ministry, culturally sensitive theological teaching, and meaningful participation by Nepali Christians in the life of the church. Such an approach would not simply provide services or encourage attendance at worship but would seek to build a community in which people from different cultural backgrounds could share life, learn from one another, and grow in their understanding of the Christian faith.
Ultimately, shelter ministry should be understood not merely as a program for meeting the needs of migrant workers but as an opportunity for the church to embody its Christian calling through service, fellowship, and cross-cultural witness. By developing stronger relationships and a genuine bicultural community, Korean churches can make their ministry among Nepali migrant workers more contextually appropriate, relationally meaningful, and theologically grounded.
Works Cited
Bhattacharya, Natun, and Tom Eckblad. “Towards a Biblical Worldview.” International Journal of Frontier Mission 14 (April–June 1997): 87–90.
Hiebert, Paul G. “Conversion and World View Transformation.” International Journal of Frontier Mission 14 (April–June 1997): 83–86.
Hiebert, Paul G. “Missional Theology.” Missiology: An International Review 34 (April 2006): 231.
Hiebert, Paul G., Cynthia Strong, and David Strong. “Order, Creativity, and the Mission Task.” In Anthropological Reflections on Missiological Issues, by Paul G. Hiebert. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1994.
Richardson, William J. Social Action vs. Evangelism: An Essay on the Contemporary Crisis. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1977.
Samuel, Vinay, and Chris Sugden, eds. The Church in Response to Human Need. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1987. Includes “Transformation: The Church in Response to Human Need,” the Wheaton '83 Statement, 254–265.
Footnotes
¹ A shelter, as the term is used in this paper, refers to a place where migrant workers can stay when they are unemployed or experiencing other difficulties.
² William J. Richardson, Social Action vs. Evangelism: An Essay on the Contemporary Crisis (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1977), 36.
³ Ibid.
⁴ The Wheaton '83 Statement, “Transformation: The Church in Response to Human Need,” in The Church in Response to Human Need, ed. Vinay Samuel and Chris Sugden (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1987), 256.
⁵ Ibid., 264.
⁶ Paul G. Hiebert, Cynthia Strong, and David Strong, “Order, Creativity, and the Mission Task,” in Anthropological Reflections on Missiological Issues, by Paul G. Hiebert (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1994), 145.
⁷ Ibid., 145–46.
⁸ Paul G. Hiebert, “Conversion and World View Transformation,” International Journal of Frontier Mission 14 (April–June 1997): 84.
⁹ Natun Bhattacharya and Tom Eckblad, “Towards a Biblical Worldview,” International Journal of Frontier Mission 14 (April–June 1997): 89–90.
¹⁰ Hiebert, Anthropological Reflections on Missiological Issues (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1994), 158.
¹¹ Paul G. Hiebert, “Missional Theology,” Missiology: An International Review 34 (April 2006): 231.
¹² Dal is a lentil or bean dish, often prepared as a soup and commonly eaten in Nepal and India.
¹³ The madal is a traditional Nepali hand drum made of wood and leather.
¹⁴ Khonsanim is a Korean honorific commonly used for a female church worker or ministry leader. In this study, it refers to the woman responsible for coordinating activities involving the Nepali participants.
¹⁵ In this paper, “without legal immigration status” refers to people who remained in Korea after their visas expired. It does not imply that they were engaged in other illegal activities.
